After the Tiger; Lion�s Controversy in Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka’s post-Independence political history, the position and future of the Tamil minority in Sri Lankan polity has always been a problematic one. The LTTE’s armed struggle for Tamil Eelam should have influenced the Government of Sri Lanka to steer nation-building on a cautious and inclusive note in the decades to come. However, amidst such political complexity, President Mahinda Rajapakse summed up his political approach pertaining to the issue of Tamil minority when he said, “Now my theory is: there is no minority in Sri Lanka, there are only those who love the country and those who don’t.” This statement is a big blunder on the part of President Rajapakse as such a theory may send out the wrong signals to the Tamil minority community. Lately, there is also the bitter relationship between Rajapakse and General Sarath Fonseka, former commander-in-chief of the Sri Lanka Army which are amply clear from the rapid turn of events after the recent presidential election.

Sri Lanka Presidential Election 2010 came to an official end when Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake announced the winner in Sri Lanka’s sixth presidential election. Incumbent Executive President Mahinda Rajapakse registered a decisive victory by polling (57.88 per cent) votes.

After the presidential election results was out, the police personnel searched Fonseka's office in Colombo for army deserters hiding at the location and illegal weapons hidden. Fonseka was dragged out of his office on 8 February 2010 by military police as he was alleged to be closeted with another opposition leader and arrested on charges of plotting to overthrow the government while running the Army. This arrest, according to many independent political observers, lacked illegal foundation and was very undemocratic. Rajapakse is known to use his sweeping executive powers to rule through a cabal of relatives, cronies and trusted advisers operating from the presidential office. Thus, there has always been a lack of trust between the President and General Fonseka.

According to senior government officials, at least a dozen senior serving military officers, including three Major-Generals, are being sent out on compulsory retirement. General Fonseka has strongly refuted the allegation levelled against him while conceding that a number of army officers had given him inside information during his presidential campaign.

Speaking to reporters, Fonseka denounced the result as distorted and said he would launch a legal challenge. “Victory has been grabbed away from us by the government,” he declared. “There is no democracy here.” The general has written to the election commissioner calling on him to annul the vote on the grounds that Rajapakse had misused state property, used the state media to attack him and prevented displaced Tamils from voting.

Meanwhile, on 30 January 2010, Commissioner General of Rehabilitation, Major General Daya Ratnayake was appointed as the Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Army. The current Chief of Staff, Major General Mendaka P. Samarasinghe was transferred to the Joint Operations Headquarters (JOH) which coordinates the operations of the Sri Lanka Army with other two armed forces. Defence analysts, however, say more changes in the military ranks can be expected due to the politicisation of the Army following the former military chief general Sarath Fonseka's entry into politics.

As per the directive of Mahindra Rajapaksa, Parliament with effect from midnight of 10 February 2010, paved the way for dissolution leading towards a general election. He also announced that Parliament election would be held on 8 April 2010 and it would convene on 22 April.

What is behind this bitter rivalry? The two men have essentially the same domestic programme. General Fonseka was part of President Rajapakse’s inner cabinet when it ruthlessly prosecuted the ethnic war against the LTTE that resulted in the LTTE’s defeat last May. Since then, Fonseka pledged to renew Sri Lankan democracy, but like Rajapakse, he is responsible for war crimes and gross abuses of democratic rights. If he is afraid of assassination, it is because he is intimately acquainted with the operations of the pro-government death squads that murdered hundreds of politicians, journalists and ordinary people over the past four years.

Now the theory “Enemy’s enemy makes a friend”, has comes true in Sri Lankan politics more than once. Civilians are confused whether there is a democratic or dictatorial form of government in view of the bitter relationship between Rajpakse and Fonseka in Sri Lanka. The last Sri Lankan President election in 2005 saw Ranil Wickremasinges effort to secure support from the late LTTE chief, Prabhakaran. Mahinda Rajapakse shot back with a promise in his election manifesto, to eliminate LTTE terrorism. Now after the Eelam War Vl, two political groups, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leaders R. Sampantham and Rauff Hakeem indirectly supported opposition candidate General Fonseka against Rajapakse.

The United National Party (UNP) which demonstrated a rare unity by backing Fonseka, have decided to part ways and form their own alliances for the 8 April parliamentary election. They have also decided to fight under their own election symbol. They have also launched a petition to collect a million signatures. The UNP’s aim is that, this petition is also a measure aimed at restoring democracy which this government is striving hard to destroy. The next few months are the key to assess the way political winds blow in Sri Lanka. Until then, the current state of turbulence is likely to continue.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the views either of the Editorial Committee or the Centre for Land Warfare Studies).