Restructuring Nepal�s Provinces

 

The Nepal’s government machinery, judiciary, army, in fact, most establishments are dominated primarily by upper caste Hindus. Most of Nepal’s myriad social groups based on ethnicity, caste, religion and language, 102 at the last count, have barely a peripheral representation. Fairly rigid caste structures within the groups stratify people into upper and lower castes – the haves and have-nots. The lower castes, Dalits being the majority in this group, have suffered exclusion for long.

 

The distribution of Nepal’s ethnic groups is influenced by its topography. Nepal’s plains area extend east to west, contiguous with the Indian border, referred to commonly as the Terai region. As one climbs further North into Nepal, it’s the hilly region, rising upto the tree line. This area is distinctly separated from the plains by sharp escarpments and steep slopes. Further north, the Himalayan ranges climb steeply, the region being known as the mountainous region – leading to Nepal’s northern borders with Tibet. The sharp differences in altitudes of these three regions has led to ethnic groups concentrating in pockets in one or the other of these three distinctly different regions.

 

The Terai region has a mixed population with the majority being Madhesis. They, along with Dalits make about 32 per cent of Nepalese population. Upper caste Hindus who account for about 38 per cent of the population, mostly inhabit the hills region. The indigenous nationalities, also known as Adibasi Janajati are spread in all three regions with the highest concentration, mostly in the hills region.

 

Terai is also Nepal’s most agriculturally productive area as also the industrial hub. Through this region run the communication arteries that coonect Nepal with India. Nepal’s road links with India remain its best available routes for trade and commerce. As such, an agitation in Terai has reverberations at the capital, Kathmandu, and in no time.

 

The Madhesis and Dalits have possibly faced the most noticeable exclusion in the Nepalese system. A large percentage of Madhesis were denied citizenship till 2007, when only those born and living in Nepal before 1990, were granted citizenship. The Communist Party of Nepal Maoist (CPN M) used these grievances to garner support among these communities during its days in the bush. It openly advocated the redrawing of the Nepalese map with provinces based on ethnic groups. In fact, the Communists also accepted the right to secession of provinces, at that stage.

 

Currently, as a political force, the Madhesi parties account for 75 seats in the 601 member Constituent Assembly (CA). The Madhesi demand is a single Madhesh province encompassing all 20 districts of Terai. Of all the agitating groups, the Madhesi demand resonates most because of the their willingness to adopt violent means, as also Terai’s strategic advantage of sealing off communication arteries to Kathmandu.

 

Most political parties support a federal structure, reorganization of the country into provinces on ethnic lines, but none favour a contiguous Madhesh that covers all of Terai. The CPN M formula advocates 13 provinces with at least three in the Terai region. The National Congress model divides the country by drawing vertical lines first, effectively neutralising the concept of ethnicity based provinces. The current Prime Minister’s party CPN UML has a 15 province model that does not coincide with Madhesi aspirations.

 

In a feudal society, where the privileges have been usurped by too few, ethnicity-based provinces holds out the assurance of proportional allocation of revenues for development. With the issue being the rallying point of a vast majority of Nepalese -- the deprived lot now empowered by democracy -- it needs to be a part of Nepal’s transition philosophy.

 

The answer to the problem lies in the mainstream political parties having to realise that the journey ahead cannot be undertaken without grappling with the stark realities of ages old exploitation in Nepal. A federal structure meeting the aspirations of marginalised communities along with safeguards to ensure cohesion and integrity of the Nepalese state, needs to be the CA’s priority. Madhesis have also to accept a truncated Terai as Madhesh province with pockets in between not being a part of it.

 

 

(The views expressed in the article are that of the author and do not represent the views of the editorial committee or the centre for land warfare studies).