Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Bangladesh could not have been planned at a better time. Indo-Bangla relations are the most cordial since Indira Gandhi assisted Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman in the liberation of East Pakistan. This century began on a cold note for India with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in power but since the return of the Awami League with Sheikh Hasina as prime minister, relations with Bangladesh have warmed up. Not only has Sheikh Hasina addressed India’s concerns about terrorism through her South Asia Anti-Terror Task Force, but the symbolism of conferring Bangladesh’s highest honour, the Bangladesh Swadhinata Sammanona (Bangladesh Freedom Honour), to Indira Gandhi recently cannot be missed.
On his part, even Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seems as keen to deliver in concrete terms. The fact that he is taking five chief ministers with him is indicative that he means business. There will be no hiding behind bureaucratic knots, especially on the contentious issue of border enclaves as the presence of the chief ministers of the concerned states will enable direct dialogue across the table.
This visit by Manmohan Singh comes in the backdrop of Sheikh Hasina’s 2010 India visit, seeking to build on the foundation laid in 2010. While in the days succeeding Sheikh Hasina’s visit, Bangaldesh displayed its commitment to curb terror, it is now India’s turn to ink agreements dealing with the issue of enclaves, border conflicts and trade and transit relations. Among the outcomes of Sheikh Hasina’s 2010 visit were the agreements regarding mutual assistance in criminal matters, transfer of convicted prisoners and the combating of international terrorism. Both countries had also signed agreements regarding the transit rights for Indian workers to travel to Tripura via Bangladesh for the construction of a power plant using the Ashuganj River Port. India had promised a $1 billion soft loan to Bangladesh and also 250 MW of electricity.
With so many strides having been made in bilateral relations, it is now time to take the bull by the horns, especially on the question of the enclaves. That Manmohan Singh’s entourage consists of the chief ministers of Pashchimbanga, Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya and Mizoram should reassure Bangladesh that there will be progress on this issue.. With 162 enclaves – settlements of people of either nationality – on both sides of the border, the issue affects about 51,000 people. The reason no one wanted to take action was the fear that any change would result in large-scale uprooting of people. But the most recent joint surveys have revealed that only a little over half a lakh people are likely to be affected. The solution that both countries are likely to agree on is a policy of status quo – that is, leaving the enclaves untouched. The 111 enclaves with Indians in Bangladesh will go to that country while the 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in India will become Indian. While this means that India loses territory, in the long run, this is the most practical solution.
Now that strides are being made to address India’s security concerns, trade relations and transit facilities should also be improved. Just as Bangladesh is offering Chittagong Port to China, it is also opening an opportunity for India at Cox Bazaar. If India is concerned about China’s highway project connecting Yunan to Chittagong, it could step in with its own rail and road links. The Akhauna-Agartala rail link needs to be fast-tracked.
This is the time for India to build on its historical affinity with Bangladesh. India had squandered the initial honeymoon period post-1971, firstly due to Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman being too preoccupied with setting his own house in order and then with his assassination in 1974. What followed was a period of turmoil for Bangladesh with one bloody coup following another. The final emergence of the BNP saw a somewhat shaky return to democracy. But it was not till 1996 when Sheikh Mujib’s only surviving child, Sheikh Hasina, became prime minister that Indo-Bangla relations began to thrive. Two long-standing issues – water sharing and refugees – were basically resolved with the Ganga Water Treaty of 1996 and the Chakma Agreement of 1997. In the period 2001 to 2006, the rise to power of Gen Zia-ur-Rehman’s widow, Begum Khalida Zia, at the helm of the BNP again saw the decline of relations between the two countries. This period was possibly the lowest point in bilateral relations. Who can forget images of Indian Borders Security Force soldiers trussed up like animals and slung on sticks being carried by Bangladesh Rifles soldiers? The spurt in ISI-sponsored insurgencies via Bangladesh’s porous borders increased manifold. Safe houses for the likes of Dawood, Abdul Karim Tunda and Paresh Barua coexisted with training camps at several locations in Bangladesh.
In 2005, India tried to send a message to the Bangladesh government by giving a miss to the Dhaka SAARC meet. Trade relations were also at a low during this time. The caretaker government of 2007-2008 did see the beginning of a thaw but without the support of a popular elected government not much movement was possible. The return of the Awami League coalition heralds a season of new opportunities that India should capitalise on. The increasing Chinese presence needs to be balanced and India needs to launch a charm offensive to bring the BNP around as well. Long-term progress cannot be possible if the Bangla opposition continues to be anti-India. In keeping with this policy, India has been very careful in keeping on the good side of Begum Khaleda Zia as well.
India too seems to have taken note of this. Recently, a delegation of Bangladesh opposition leaders was given a tour of the Tipaimukh dam area in Manipur and Manmohan Singh met them to reassure their concerns regarding the project. He told the legislators that the project would be shelved if they were not convinced that the dam was not meant to hurt Bangladesh. During this visit too, the Prime Minister will meet Begum Zia during his visit. Sheikh Hasina also needs India’s support to battle out fundamentalist forces within her own country and should not object to the bridges India is trying to build across the Bangladeshi political firmament.
Soni Sangwan is a journalist based in New Delhi
(Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the views either of the Editorial Committee or the Centre for Land Warfare Studies).
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