Interrogating the Tribal Enigma

The key to understanding the tribal landscape is to dismantle the horizontal compartmentalisation between the superior ‘we’ and the inferior ‘they’. Both categories are erroneous. Each category has wide diversities within, but is considered as one on account of some perceived similarities. A balanced outlook between diversities and similarities transforms the perception. Empathy, not mere sympathy, leads to eureka of a continuum across, and merging of, the illusory categories. Once we start looking at the ‘tribal situation’ as our own, the puzzle melts. Those who persist in perceiving ‘we’ and ‘they’ are the problems. They are non-tribal migrants – the traders, the shopkeeper, the middlemen, the money lenders, the liquor contractors, the land grabbers, the self-serving and insensitive officials, -- and most regrettably the ambitious elitist creamy layer among the tribal in nexus with unscrupulous politicians for whom ‘they’ are just vote bank and who are funded by the exploiting lot.

Jawahar Lal Nehru’s celebrated tribal policy of Panchsheel seems to have received a quiet burial. Rampant exploitation and injustice on the ground is sought to be masked by a plethora of progressive laws and policies that are flouted / ignored more often than honored, in unholy alliance with the exploiters. The grand vision of an exploitation- free, just, equitable socio-economic order envisaged in the ‘tribal sub-plan approach’ has been trapped into mathematical proportionate fund allocation devoid of its true spirit. In the absence of effective communication network and supervision, sincere proper implementation and large scale diversion in programmes of no relevance to tribal communities and massive pilferage of available funds has left the people and the area under developed. The historical injustice, confessed by the Indian parliament and sought to be corrected through statutory recognition of the individual and community rights of the tribal and forest-dependent communities over land persists because of the non-implementation or the most ritualistic compliance, in line with the plethora of earlier progressive laws, of this Act also, with the additional factor of turf–war between the over-possessive foresters and indifferent revenue officials. Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas Act aimed to restore to the tribal communities powers held by them in the pre-British days, to prevent and protect them from exploitation and preserve their heritage has been a nonstarter. The state power and functionaries have never accepted the true spirit of the Act and have jealously guarded their British government-endowed powers.     

There has been a miserable failure in interpreting and effective operationalisation of far-sighted constitutional safguards to insulate them from electoral vagaries and vote-bank politics like the Fifth Schedule, Governors’ annual assessment and report and powers to issue Regulations and constitute the Tribal Advisory Council. If these were in place there could have been mid-course corrections averting the current explosive situation.

After the policy of economic reform including linearisation, privatisation and globalisation, the entry of corporate giants – multinational and Indians – for exploitation of abundant mineral resources of the area has accentuated, instead of correcting, the historical injustice leading to a highly explosive situation. A false veneer of conflict between national interest and local interest camouflages the real and substantive issues.

In this kind of situation simmering for a long time but gradually, in the last two decade, moving towards the boiling point, Left Wing Extremism has been claiming increasing large ground. Their ideology and action that appear to be pro-people at least on the surface, enable them to find some genuine following, the extent of which cannot be properly estimated because of the wider subjugation generated by violence or threat of violence mercilessly perpetrated by them. Their increasing success has also attracted lumpen elements to enter the fray for their own self-interest, making distinction between them and ideologically-driven Maoists highly confusing and complex, if not impossible. The long-term political goal of an independent sovereign state is well beyond the comprehension of the innocent, simple tribal communities.

The initial and in many ways continuing response of the state to meet the situation by use of force has made the situation of the tribal communities very vulnerable. They are under threat by both sides and it is impossible for either side to judge the bona fides of their support. Innocent people, not infrequently, are erroneously alleged to be willing informers / supporters of the other side and as a consequence, suffer at the hands of both.

The recent initiative to include development in the strategy of meeting the challenge is welcome with some caveats (particularly no 5 below) but highly inadequate. It has to be met on five crucial fronts.

 1. The critical need is to provide on the ground, culture-sensitive, transparent, highly efficiently  administration willing to take firm and prompt steps to end the exploitation, to implement all the  progressive laws in true spirit without fear or favour, and committed to the cause of justice, fair play  and the interest of the tribal communities. In short, the entire administrative apparatus has to display  empathy.

    2. The national and state level policies also have to emanate from empathy – be more sensitive  to the unjustly suffering tribal communities, and have to reorder priorities. It is most unfortunate that  the state and the people seem to be in confrontation. In democracy the interests of the people and the  state have to be identical and this should be completely transparent.

 3. The statesmen – not politicians – have to reach the masses and convince them by their deed,  not empty words, that there is no longer any distinction between ‘we’ and ‘they’. In view of the track  record it is imperative that this sense of belongingness and oneness should not only appear to be  worn on shirt-sleeves but is manifestation of a deep-seated and enduring strong feeling of empathy.  They should be able to make the tribal communities understand the long-term unacceptable political  goal of the Maoists.

 4. A genuine and open dialogue with the Maoists/ Naxalites is another tricky, highly complex  but inevitable imperative to a gradual political solution which is the sine-qua-non, of enduring peace. 

 5. Development of the area and the people based on a comprehensive long-term perspective  plan prepared in real and genuine consultation with the masses – not just the alienated elite among  them who have developed nexus with the exploitative elements – and implanted by the people  themselves, following PESA in letter and spirit, and with only demand-based minimum assistance – not interference – of the government.

 The net impact of these five should be to minimise the distinction between governance under Fifth  and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution, allowing considerable autonomy to the tribal communities  for self governance.

The conventional mode of meeting the challenge by police action with any kind of support of armed forces can and should be the only enabler. It can play only a supportive role to prepare the ground for effective action on the above fronts. A more dynamic or proactive role is likely to be counter-productive. Defining the fine boundaries of the essential but only ground preparing role also requires deep feelings of empathy – not antipathy—with the tribal people. Absence of this may be disastrous. 

Mr Sharad Behar is a former Chief Secretary of Madhya Pradesh

Views expressed are personal