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Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations

                                                                           

Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan has passed through tensions and the two countries have never enjoyed a close relationship. For the most part of Pakistan’s history, relations with Afghanistan have been characterised by mutual suspicion that  sometimes manifested in policies of meddling and even attempts at destabilisation. The major obstacles in their relationship are the ethnic issue and the borders dispute. Moreover, militants have used Pakistani soil to launch attacks inside Afghanistan that has caused tensions in their relations. Despite efforts, Pakistan could not build a trustworthy relationship with Afghanistan. The foremost objective of Pakistan has been to have a friendly government in Kabul that does not pose serious challenges to its security. Pakistan, which is facing numerous internal challenges seeks to reduce its tensions with Afghanistan. Turkey, the US, Saudi Arabia, and Canada have been playing an active role in reducing tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

For a deeper analysis, it is necessary to look into the origins of conflict. Afghanistan initially refused to recognise Pakistan as a state. Afghanistan voted against Pakistan’s entry to the United Nations on the Pashtun issue and raised claims to the Pashtun speaking areas of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Baluchistan province of Pakistan. A “Pakhtunistan” flag was hoisted along with the Afghan national flag on September 2, 1947.  Afghanistan never recognised the Durand Line as the international border that demarcated boundary between Afghanistan and Pakistan. As far as the Pashtun are concerned, the Durand Line is non-existent since the Pashtun have been settled on both sides of the Durand Line. The Pakhtunistan issue was given state support by King Zahir Shah, Amanullah Shah’s grandson. King Zahir Shah’s cousin Sardar Daud Khan became Prime Minister in 1953. He was a serious Pashtun activist and led the movement. The Pashtun issue intensified in the 1950s and worsened Pakistan-Afghanistan relations till the early 1960s. The diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan restored after mediation of Iran and with resignation of Daud Khan as prime minister in March 1963.

After the overthrow of King Zahir Shah in 1973, Daud Khan not only raised the issue of Pakhtunistan but also for the first time moved the Afghan army closer to borders that resulted in troop deployment by Pakistan also. Daud Khan’s stance on Pakhtunistan and his growing closeness with the Soviet Union raised suspicion in Pakistan. The loss of the east wing in 1971 and fissiparous tendencies questioned the survival of the residual Pakistan. With Pakistan  facing an intense insurgency in Baluchistan and problems in Sind, Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto tried to maintain close relationship with anti-Daud forces. In the 1970s, Islamist figures like Gulbadin Hekmatyar, Ahmed Shah Massoud, Burhanuddin Rabbani and Abdul Rasul Sayyaf were supported by the Pakistani security forces and intelligence agencies. But the Islamist forces got entrenched in Pakistani security forces and intelligence agencies during the Zia-ul-Haq period. Pakistani security forces and intelligence agencies continued their linkages that began in this period.

The Islamist forces were nurtured in Afghanistan in the 1970s and 1980s with external assistance. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 brought major geopolitical change in the region and increased prospects of external powers involvement. The development in the region provided opportunity for the Islamist forces to involve deeply in Afghan politics and received support of Pakistan, US, and others in driving out the Soviets from Afghanistan. Pakistan had made an attempt to build friendly relations with Afghanistan by cultivating Islamist forces. Pakistan believed that alignment with such forces would help in stabilising Afghan-Pakistan border. The Taliban nurtured in Pakistani madarssa from among Afghan refugee youth, took over Afghanistan with the help of Pakistani forces. The influence of the Taliban did not only remain restricted to the Afghan refugees but also affected Pakistani society. The Pashtun tribesmen founded the Tahrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP, or the Pakistani Taliban Movement) an umbrella organisation of Pakistani militants with ties to Al-Qaeda, operating in Pakistan’s tribal belt. The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) is considered as a breeding ground for terrorists. The Taliban making use of Pakistani soil to launch attacks inside Afghanistan causes tensions between the two countries.

Pakistan supported the Mujahideen during the Afghan war on security and political considerations. The flawed policies led to the rise of the Kalashnikov and drug culture and the breakdown of law and order that continued even after the Soviet withdrawal, multiplying after the rise of the Taliban in 1995-96. Pakistan still has more than 2.5 million Afghan refugees. Around 35 percent of Afghanistan’s opium passes through Pakistan and nearly half of it gets distributed there, creating more domestic addicts. Smuggling of drugs and other goods has created a mafia in the tribal areas of both sides.

A few months back, Afghan and Pakistani officials organised a two-day mini-Jirga (assembly) to enhance cooperation in fighting against militants. The 50 member Pakistan-Afghanistan mini-Jirga held in Islamabad on October 27 and 28, 2008 that decided to hold talks with militant in their respective areas of control if the Taliban agreed to adhere to the countries’ constitutions. It was primarily to engage the Taliban in negotiations. The mini-Jirga, an initiative of the Afghan President Hamid Karzai, was ignored by the former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf. The talk in Islamabad was seen as an indication that cooperation between the two countries had improved since the election of Asif Ali Zardari as Pakistan’s president in September 2008.

Turkey, the US, Saudi Arabia, and Canada have been playing an active role in reducing tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Canada has been playing a role in settling border problems between Afghanistan and Pakistan and has been hosting meetings in Dubai since 2007. Saudi Arabia arranged a meeting between the Karzai government and the Taliban at Mecca in September 2008. Turkey has been playing a mediatory role in reducing tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan on President Asif Ali Zardari’s request. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan hosted a talk between Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Gilani and Afghan President Hamid Karzai in Istanbul on October 30, 2008 where the two countries discussed efforts to restore peace in the region. A joint declaration was issued where Prime Minister Erdogan said that President Karzai and Prime Minister Gilani had expressed satisfaction over contacts and cooperation between their countries and agreed to take the dialogue process forward. Again President Zardari and Hamid Karzai held a talk in Ankara on April 1, 2009 and was also attended by senior military commanders and intelligence chiefs from the two countries. They agreed to enhance military and political cooperation in tackling violence. President Obama has taken steps to tackle the militancy in Afghanistan and Pakistan and has ordered more troops to Afghanistan.

Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan would remain tense until and unless Pakistan reconstruct its Afghan policy. Pakistan must assure Afghans that it respects their independence and sovereignty, and has no ambition to influence the political set-up in Kabul or dictate the nature of their relationship with the rest of the world. Pakistan should assure Afghans that it will continue to provide transit facilities for Afghanistan’s trade with the rest of the world, and most importantly that it will take all measures to prevent the use of Pakistani soil for attacks inside Afghanistan. The Obama Administration’s policy should help in reducing tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the views either of the Editorial Committee or the Centre for Land Warfare Studies).
 

 

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Dr. Shah Alam
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