Nuclear tensions: Iran�s Quest for WMDs

Ayatollah Khamenei, Iran’s Supreme leader has stated that the building, stockpiling and the use of nuclear weapons is forbidden under Islam. He has issued a fatwa’s against anyone claiming to do so. It is a small wonder then, that the potential acquisition of nuclear weapons by Iran, a country that is a signatory to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) has become a contentious issue. 

The West, mainly the US and other Western members of the UN, believe that in its quest for nuclear weapons, Iran is suppressing democracy. India as a non-member of the NPT does not believe in interfering in other countries’ business, especially if the other country is a major supplier of oil and gas. Trying to influence Iran on the issue of nuclear weapons acquisition would be an exercise in futility since they will not pay heed. India is working under the ‘don’t ask, won’t tell, unless I get affected’ policy. Relations between India and Iran have always been under scrutiny but never more so than now.

Iran has always been secretive about its nuclear programs; so, when the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) found out that Iran is not complying with the safeguards as per regulations in relation to its uranium enrichment program, it decided to go to the UN demanding suspension of the program. Iran stated that it had a legal right to undertake such a program and, furthermore, that its enrichment program is part of the civilian nuclear energy program. It also argued that the program is being undertaken for peaceful purposes only. This argument is what has allowed Iran to defiantly pursue its uranium enrichment program despite international pressure and sanctions.

Scientific analysis need not be made on why the US is uncomfortable with Iran’s quest on getting its hands on nukes. The reasons are quite obvious from the Western perspective. Both believe that in the land that sponsors and supports the Hamas and the Hezbollah, the development of the nuclear program will be for weapons purposes only and that a civil nuclear program is just an illusion.

Throwing a wrench in the wheel of this perspective, India stands tall and, sadly, alone. Even though India voted against Iran in the IAEA meetings in 2005 and 2006 and again in 2009 in favour of censuring Iran for not informing the IAEA about its Qom nuclear facility, the relations between the two countries did not seem to have suffered major negative repercussions. 

India does not want Iran to acquire nuclear weapons capabilities, but because it needs Iran for the oil, it will not say so; just so long as India does not come under attack. However, Iran’s continued development of fissile material, which is capable of sustaining a chain reaction of nuclear fission, is worrying. Its uranium enrichment program, which Iran defends behind a cloak of peaceful purpose amidst international pressure, is even more cause for worry.

But because of India’s sympathy and support and indeed empathy for Iran, India has ended up alienating the US. Perhaps India is comfortable in assuming that Iran will never threaten the security of our nation. Reality has to intervene at some point and for India that happened on the February 13, 2012. An attack took place on an Israeli embassy car not far from the prime minister’s house in Delhi and it is suspected to be from the Hezbollah and Hamas side of the terrorism board. India is now in a dilemma; if it does not acknowledge the possible involvement of Iran in the attacks, it risks weakening its own cause for its fight against terror. If such an acknowledgement does take place, then the India risks a strain in Indo-Iranian relations.

Should Iran succeed in its quest to acquire nuclear weapons, all eyes will be on India to see its next move. Barring the, ‘oil’ connection, India and Iran’s interests converged in Afghanistan where, in 2001, Tehran and New Delhi were the two principal supporters of overthrowing the Taliban regime. Iran saw the Taliban as being instrumental to Saudi Arabia’s anti-Iranian strategy and India’s concerns were primarily Pakistan centred.  

Iran’s sphere of influence in West Asia might just be a game changer as far as its nuclear ambitions go. With the Shias dominating over the Sunnis in Iraq, Bahrain, Palestine and Lebanon, Iran has created a huge sectarian and regional imbalance. Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabi clerics were rattled by the rise of Ayatollah Khomeini and the Iranian Islamic revolution, which spearheaded the rise of the Shia Islamic narrative. With a power play occurring between Iran and Israel and Saudi Arabia acting as buddy to Israel’s plan to deny Iran any nuclear capability, India could be a third wheel.

In the words of Kofi Annan, “above all else, we need a reaffirmation of political commitment at the highest levels to reduce the dangers that arise both from existing nuclear weapons and from further proliferation.”

Sahiban Kanwal is a freelancer

Views expressed are personal