Will the Generals Abide?

In a landmark ruling on 18th October, Supreme Court of Pakistan ordered the government to take legal action against former Army Chief Mirza Aslam Beg and former ISI Chief Asad Durrani for distributing millions of rupees among politicians to rig the 1999 general elections. More significantly, the Chief Justice heading the three judge bench also said that any “political cell” operating in the Presidency, ISI, Military Intelligence or Intelligence Bureau should be shut down immediately as such an institution is unconstitutional and such organisations have no role to play in the political activities/politics, for formulation or destabilisation of political governments”. The Court directives were in response to a 1996 era petition by a retired Air Marshal. Incredibly, Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani were both ‘serving’ as Army Chief and DG ISI respectively when they undertook the massive kickback campaign. 

 

Though the Prime Minister Ashraf has promised action, whether a weak democracy can go beyond extracting apologies and stripping of an odd medal remains to be seen for Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and his men (Military and ISI) can be expected to rally around these veterans. The military’s arrogance is reflected in Mirza Aslam Beg telling the Supreme Court he was not bound by the Constitution because he began his military career before the passage of the 1973 Constitution – some strange logic. Interestingly, two questions have not been raised by the Pakistani and international media: from where did Beg and Durrani get hold of this huge quantity of ‘millions’ that could influence elections of a whole nation; and what are the chances of these “political cell” operating in the Presidency, ISI, Military Intelligence or Intelligence Bureau being shut down? Given the findings in her book ‘Military Inc” published in 2007, Pakistani analyst Ayesha Siddiqa writes that the Pakistani military is entrenched in the corporate sector and controls the country's largest companies and large tracts of real estate. 

 

Pakistani companies and its main assets are in the hands of a tiny minority of senior army officials. Her narration commences with a structural premise that defines the phenomenon of ‘milbus’ as military capital used for the personal benefit of the military fraternity, especially the officer cadre, which is not recorded as part of the defence budget. For example, the amount of land owned by military officers through subsidized schemes in 2007 amounted to $4.6 billion while military pensions were five times their civilian counterparts. At a later date, Musharraf himself as President had disclosed he owned more than $10 million only in real estate assets. The same ‘milbus’ concept is central to the massive  military industrial complex of Pakistan including the Fauji Foundation and other military organizations in running not only security related businesses but commercial enterprises that range from running schools hotels, shopping malls, insurance companies, banks, farms, airline, cereal manufacturing and the like, valued then at an astounding sum of $20.7 billion.  So where is the problem in doling out few millions especially when many times more can be recovered after the supported political party comes to power? Why the Pakistani military has become a key player in Pakistan’s power politics and will continue to remain so is simply because it must ruthlessly  protect this massive military-economic-industrial empire it has so carefully built over the years, consolidating the stranglehold in every sector, and in so doing there is absolutely no place for ethics and values. This is the prime reason that Pakistan will continue to hunt with the hounds (West) and run with the hares (Islamist) as long as the military brass is safe in protected cocoons – as is / was Musharraf. The military couldn’t care less about car bombs and blood on the streets as long as their core is thriving and kicking. That is the reason radicalism is being institutionalized in escalating measure even in public and private schools. The military, which has the power to reverse the process, will not do so because they themselves are the catalysts for radicalizing Pakistan.

 

The Mullah-Military nexus initiated by Zia-ul-Haq, consolidated by Musharraf and being nurtured with feverish vigour ever since is unlikely to be halted. After all terrorism is an industry that facilitates the military to remain king maker, and the ‘milbus’ has the finance to keep it going. Military has only acted when external pressure is unbearable, one example being Musharraf’s action against Lal Masjid when China forced it because Chinese nationals were abducted by terrorists.  Sections of the military are evidently hardcore Islamists already: regulars fighting as civilians during Kargil Conflict; convolution in shielding Osama-bin-Laden; certain military units refusing to attack the Taliban in South Waziristan; complicity of serving personnel in terrorist attacks on air bases; officers even of Brigadier level rank with terrorist links; insiders tricking troops into ambushes. As to Kayani’s peace facade, ask Mike Mullen, Dempsey and Leon Panetta: Haqqanis living and roaming freely in Pakistan; Intelligence shared by US passed on to terrorist organisations, particularly Haqqanis; despite video and satellite imagery of hideouts and IED manufacturing factories provided by US, ISI permitted the terrorists to escape; Kayani’s non political dictum versus his role in the “memogate” scandal and ensuring status quo of Army’s pre-eminence in making national decisions etc. 

 

So, are the Generals going to abide by the Supreme Court dictum of closing down ‘political cells’ in the in the Presidency, ISI, Military Intelligence or Intelligence Bureau and stop dabbling in national politics? Have no illusions, there is not even a slim chance. At best the cell in Presidency may shut down temporarily until a General becomes President again. As for others, names of the political cells may change with functions unchanged to humour the Supreme Court. Kiyani and his successors are not going to give up their role as Chairman ‘Troika’, keeping the other Troika members (President and Prime Minister) under their thumb, with latter having zero say in matters military. ISI dossiers on political parties and individuals (politicians, bureaucrats, judiciary and others) are enough to retain the stranglehold. After all, if the Pakistani Military is reaping the moolah, who dare stop them?

 

 

Views expressed are personal