Stemming the Rot

The recent incidents such as that of Nayagarh armory loot and the Dantewada jail break spells out the gravity of threat that the Indian state structure faces from the left wing extremism. The chief concerns, as of today, are the geographical spread and the growing militarization of its cadres. Reports suggest that these groups are active in 170 districts in 14 States across the country with some 18,000 armed cadres which is arguably the largest single armed group in the country. The degree of influence and control over these areas varies from those that have become bastions to those that are being targeted to gain a presence. The unification of the People’s War Group and the Moist Communist Centre in 2004 has further strengthened their influence and operational capabilities.  Their arms procurement and distribution spreads across the country and the cadres have been found in possession of modern weapons.

These extremists have fraternal ties among themselves in India and with other groups in some other parts of the world as well. The internal ties are more in terms of defining regions of activities, where by through a range of informal understandings the various such groups have divided the turf among themselves. Their nexus with the North-east insurgents within the country and their International affiliations and fraternal ties with the Nepalise Maoist and supposedly the LTTE further adds to the threat they pose to the Indian State. Besides, there is growing apprehension that ISI might incorporate these groups in its ‘grand strategy’ of destabilizing India. A further consolidation of these ties would, thus, strengthen the Left-wing extremist movement in India which has a potential to emerge as a grave threat to India’s internal security and also the process of nation building. It is being rightly being perceived as the single most internal security threat within India.
 

The emergence of the Maoist threat to these proportions could be directly attributed to the failure of the successive governments in addressing to the aspirations of the common masses in the most deprived areas of the nation. The inefficiency and corruption prevalent within the state machinery has created a power vacuum as well as a space for such groups to take root and find legitimacy amongst the impoverished. The mass mobilization of that extent can only be possible when there is an inherent des-enchantment with the prevalent system. The socio-cultural, political and economic factors which gave rise to the Naxalism in the late sixties and the early seventies are, unfortunately, very much present today also. Instead, the ground situation has become more pathetic as the collateral damage of globalised development and economic growth is being born by these impoverished masses. Beyond doubt, the areas wherever these groups are the most active have been the most underdeveloped and neglected areas. There is a direct correlation between the economic deprivation and the growth of the influence of the left wing extremist groups. This could explain the fact that despite intense factionalization and splits, the popular support in areas where they operate have consolidated and the movement continues to get foot soldiers for their revolution. 
 

The Maoist ideology that these groups propagate provides an alternative system that appears to accommodate socio-cultural, political, economic and political aspirations of each individual. On the other hand, the present state system is perceived to have gone against the way of life of most of the people residing in the left out, inaccessible and underdeveloped regions. This could be the reason that influence of the Maoist doctrine is most strongly felt among the weaker sections of these regions. These groups are convinced that the peaceful methods of resistance would not be able to bring about the necessary change because vested interests controlled the levers of power and that an arms struggle is the only way out. The mobilization of the cadres along ideological lines symbolises the strength, commitment and deep-rootedness of the movement. It is because of the ideological underpinnings that Maoist movements have been receiving support and sustenance from various political parties and civilian organizations. In the backdrop of the Maoist political success in Nepal, this factor has gained all the more credence.
 

These extremist groups functions in a very systemic manner. Feeding upon grievances – real or perceived – the people have against the state, they enter into an area and gradually entrench themselves. Their task is made easy because of the absence of the structures of civil governance in the remote areas of the country. Once they gain more than a toe hold in an area, they seek to eject the rudimentary structures of civil governance in existence in those areas to attain and retain unquestioned sway and hold over them. They seek to declare as many areas as possible “liberated”. Their ultimate aim is to rouse the peasantry in the countryside to wage a guerilla war, unfold agrarian revolution, build rural base, use countryside to encircle cities and finally capture cities to liberate the whole country.
 

Siezure of state power remains the ultimate goal of the extremists. They have no faith in the existing system of what they term as Bourgeoisie democracy. What they aim is ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ that they claim to be much more participatory and empowering. Armed revolution remains central to their strategy. The activities of the Naxalites are in pursuance of their declared objective of seizing political power, through the power of their gun. The indulge in attacks on the police personnel and infrastructure, breaking jails and armoury, blowing of railway tracts, causing blasts in public places, selective individual assassinations and abductions, bank robberies, loots and so forth. They indulge in killings – of security force personnel, political leaders and civilians who they brand as police informers. They undertake abductions for ransom or for securing freedom to their jailed colleagues, and interfere in democratic processes. Further, they hold kangaroo courts, dispensing quick justice, threaten corrupt government officials and rich landlords as well as political leaders who act against the interests of the people. At the same time, they organize peasants and tribals against traders and the government.
 

The left wing extremist groups have an organised method of financing their activities. These groups ‘accept contributions’ and also extort vast amounts from businesses, political leaders, corrupt government officials, rich landlords and professionals, in other words from anyone who has ill-gotten wealth. Funding is through the collection through levies and extortion. All the developmental work being carried out in these areas through the contractor comes under their extortion targets. Smuggling of Tendu leaves etc is another form of earning. Extortion appears to be the primary motto of existence for the lesser known extremist groups. During the season in which tendu leaf is plucked, all these groups move to the areas where the leaf is grown and plucked and implement strong arm methods to extort money from the contractors.  At times, those who refused to pay-up had to pay for it with their lives. They threaten the tendu leaf contractors and earn money. Besides, they organise the labourers employed in the collection of tendu, fight for their wages and accept contributions from them in the name of party funds. The amounts that are extorted from the people are used in various ways. A miniscule proportion, roughly an estimated five per cent, of the annual earnings goes into financing development activities in their respective pockets of influence. They have also taken up some of the state works such as health, education or infrastructural development in the form of laying roads, or running mobile hospitals in remote parts of the country. They resist any move by the governments in the respective states to carry out any developmental work in the area under their control.
 

The government has treated it as a law and order problem and there has been undue emphasis on the use of force. Intrusive and insensitive security forces action in the Naxal affected regions poses a threat to the socio-political and economic structures of those regions. The Naxal problem is essentially a socio-economic problem. Therefore, the Government needs to focus on the underlying causes of unrest which are poverty, unemployment, malnutrition and underdevelopment as these provide sustenance to the movement. The Government needs to seriously undertake land reforms and ensure that the deprived sections of the society are brought into the mainstream of development. These have to be complemented by a sustained, patient and committed effort aimed at ensuring better governance and dignity and adequate means of livelihood. Though a multi-pronged approach is being followed, the military solution to the problem still remains the dominant approach.
 

(Courtesy: SP's Land Forces, Issue 1/2008, Vol. 5)

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the views either of the Editorial Committee or the Centre for Land Warfare Studies.